At what point do we have the right to self-defense? This man’s bigotry, misogyny, and hate for “the other”, as well as his ignorance of science, has already caused (either directly or indirectly) the deaths of millions. We can’t afford another day, let alone 3 years, of this idiot’s “leadership”.
Forty years ago I was working for a litigation support firm in a high-rise in Century City. I heard about the Challenger exploding and rushed down to the bar & grill downstairs, where I knew they had a television.
Little did I know that a year later, almost to the day, I would begin working as a temp on the Space Shuttle Main Engine program, where I mostly did data input on the FMEA/CIL document (Failure Mode and Effects Analysis/Critical Items List) prior to the shuttle being certified to return to flight.
A year after that I was hired in as a regular employee. I accepted an early severance package and retired 23 years later. I’ve never lost track of the reality that such a tragedy turned into the best job I’ve had in my life. I still mourn the loss of those seven brave souls who were lost that day.
Rest in Peace:
Francis R. “Dick” Scobee (commander)
Michael J. Smith (pilot)
Ronald E. McNair
Ellison S. Onizuka
Judith A. Resnik
Gregory B. Jarvis
Sharon Christa McAuliffe.
I have NOT forgotten about the Epstein files.
I will NEVER forget about the Epstein files.
I will also NEVER forget that Trump is a pedophile and a rapist of children.
Do you really think we can deal with this insane, delusional administration non-violently? I’m not convinced.
I have long known my father served in the U.S. Navy during WWII. He told me of his time as a Radioman 3rd class aboard the USS William H. Webb when it made the Murmansk Run to bring supplies to the Soviets. In fact, I have previously shared a photo of the certificate he was awarded when they crossed the Arctic Circle on that run. I only recently discovered he was part of a specialized detachment called the Armed Guard, something he never mentioned. A few days ago I asked Perplexity the following question. The response follows.
“What can you tell me about the U.S. Navy Armed Guard, especially wrt their service during WWII and on the Murmansk Runs?”
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The U.S. Navy Armed Guard was a specialized military detachment created during World War II to protect U.S. and Allied merchant ships from enemy threats, including submarines, aircraft, and surface warships. Composed mostly of gunners, signalmen, radio operators, and other support rates, these Navy personnel were assigned to civilian merchant vessels that otherwise lacked sufficient defenses—a response to the inability to provide enough dedicated naval escorts for all convoys.
WWII Service Overview
The Armed Guard served worldwide, especially where Allied shipping faced grave danger, such as the North Atlantic and Mediterranean. Gun crews ranged in size and were often led by junior officers, sometimes even senior petty officers when commissioned officers weren’t available. In total, over 6,200 ships were armed with such Navy detachments by the end of the war. Their hazardous role involved operating defensive armaments, standing watches, and sometimes training the civilian crews on weapons use.
The Murmansk Runs
On the notorious Murmansk Run, which entailed providing vital Lend-Lease aid by convoy to the Soviet Union, the U.S. Navy Armed Guard experienced some of the war’s most extreme and hazardous conditions. Sailors on these convoys braved long, perilous voyages through icy northern waters where they faced continuous threats from German U-boats, aircraft, and surface raiders, in addition to severe weather and extended periods of daylight or darkness.
The North Russia convoys—termed “Murmansk Runs”—were known for their high loss rates early in the war, with Armed Guard crews playing a crucial role in improving the defenses of these voyages. The Navy prioritized these routes by placing highly experienced gun crews and as much weaponry as could be spared aboard. As a result of their growing expertise and the improved ship defenses, losses were significantly reduced as the war went on—only 10 ships were lost out of more than 200 after the Allies refined their tactics and armament for these runs.
Role and Legacy
Service in the Armed Guard was considered both perilous and often overlooked—the “stepchildren” of the Navy, as many later described them, shouldering the defense of unheralded merchant convoys critical to Allied supply lines. Their contributions, especially on dangerous missions like the Murmansk Run, were essential to both Allied success and the survival of merchant mariners throughout WWII.
Claiming that America today is equivalent to 1930s Germany is both historically shallow and strategically counterproductive. Nearly a century has passed since Adolf Hitler rose to power amid the wreckage of World War I, a global depression, and the collapse of the Weimar Republic. Germany in the 1930s was a humiliated, war-torn, economically devastated nation with no democratic tradition, no cultural resistance to totalitarianism, and no institutional muscle memory to prevent the consolidation of absolute power. The U.S., by contrast, has nearly 250 years of democratic infrastructure, a robust culture of dissent, a decentralized federal system, and a Constitution designed precisely to resist authoritarian overreach.
Moreover, the social, technological, and informational ecosystems are radically different. The 1930s lacked the internet, social media, whistleblower protections, or investigative journalism at scale. Today, every abuse of power can be documented, disseminated, and debated within minutes. We are not helpless—we are connected and aware in ways that were unimaginable in interwar Europe.
That said, dismissing authoritarian threats altogether would be just as naïve. We face unique 21st-century dangers: digital disinformation, polarization, and demagogues exploiting modern platforms. But invoking Hitler or the Nazi regime too loosely dilutes the specificity of that horror and numbs people to its actual warning. Let’s confront today’s threats on their own terms, with courage rooted in history, not hysteria.
There’s a strange sort of energy in the air these days. You can almost feel it—the wheels coming off the rickety jalopy that is Trumpism. The man himself, once a master of chaos and distraction, is looking more and more like a washed-up carnival barker whose tricks have lost their shine. The legal walls are closing in, the rallies are less electric, and the “movement” has become less about a future and more about clinging to a bitter, grievance-soaked past.
But let’s not kid ourselves: while Trump has been busy turning the federal government into a shell of its former self—gutting agencies, stacking departments with yes-men, and driving out career professionals—he’s also unwittingly created a rare opportunity. Nature, as they say, abhors a vacuum. And what we’ve got, right now, is a vacuum the size of Pennsylvania Avenue.
If you’ve ever read Dr. Russell Ackoff—and if you haven’t, now would be a good time—he talks about something called “idealized design.” The gist? When the system you’ve got is broken, don’t just patch the leaks and slap on another coat of paint. Instead, ask yourself: If the current system disappeared overnight, what would you create to take its place? Not what’s possible within the old constraints, but what’s ideal given what we now know.
Well, look around. Thanks to the Trump wrecking ball, a lot of the old constraints are gone—obliterated, really. Agencies like the EPA, Education, even the Post Office, have been hollowed out to the point of absurdity. The courts are in crisis, the CDC is a shell, and the State Department looks like a ghost town. There’s nothing left to “fix.” So, what if we stopped trying to resuscitate the corpse and started imagining a new body politic altogether?
Here’s the opportunity: We get to ask, “What do we want government to look like, now?” Ackoff would tell us to ignore the nostalgic call for a return to the “good old days.” Instead, let’s design forward. A government that’s transparent, accountable, and explicitly built to serve all its people, not just the one percent or the loudest megaphones. What would a Department of Justice look like if it truly prioritized justice? What about immigration—not as a problem to be “solved,” but as a vibrant source of national renewal?
The Trump era, for all its destruction, has left us with a blank page. The lesson is not to cower in fear or yearn for the status quo ante. It’s to seize the moment, roll up our sleeves, and start sketching out the kind of institutions we wish we’d always had. It’s the ultimate act of resistance: refusing to settle for less than the ideal, and demanding a government worthy of the people it serves.
Let’s not waste the vacuum. Let’s fill it—creatively, bravely, and with the best of what we can imagine.
Systems Savvy 