Tag Archives: Philosophy

Americans are Ignorami

Reclaiming the Hammer and Sickle: Symbolism, Struggle, and Systemic Illiteracy

In large part because of my activities in the antiwar and peace and justice movements shortly after I celebrated my 20th birthday, I began reading Marx, Engels, Lenin, Mao, Castro, and Guevara, as well as Black authors and activists like Eldridge Cleaver, Malcolm X, and George Jackson, among others. I was especially fond of reading Lenin’s explanations and defense of the theories of Karl Marx and, to a lesser extent, Friedrich Engels. My interest wasn’t only in their political and economic theories, but also in their general philosophy, which is Dialectical Materialism. I’ve touched on this philosophy somewhat tangentially in some of my previous writings.

I’ve long been both dismayed and somewhat fascinated by the sheer ignorance of my fellow Americans when it comes to understanding what some very important terms and concepts actually represent. I am here referring to socialism, communism, capitalism, and dialectical materialism—perhaps a few other economic, political, and philosophical terms as well.

The hammer and sickle is one of the most enduring symbols of communism and socialist movements, representing the unity and solidarity of industrial workers (symbolized by the hammer) and agricultural laborers (symbolized by the sickle). While it gained prominence in the 20th century as an emblem of the Soviet Union, its roots and symbolism tie back to the broader communist ideas as envisioned by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.

Theoretical Foundation: Marx and Engels

Marx and Engels, in works like The Communist Manifesto (1848), envisioned a society where the working class (proletariat) would overthrow the capitalist class (bourgeoisie) to establish a classless, stateless society. Central to this vision was the unification of all laborers—regardless of their specific trades or industries—against the exploitative structures of capitalism. The hammer and sickle perfectly encapsulate this ideal by bringing together two key groups of workers who were often divided in pre-industrial and industrial societies:

  • Industrial Workers (Hammer): Factory workers, craftsmen, and laborers—urban dwellers essential to the mechanized production processes of capitalist economies.
  • Agricultural Workers (Sickle): Peasants and farmers who toiled in rural areas, producing food and raw materials. Often marginalized and exploited under feudal and capitalist systems.

By combining these two tools, the hammer and sickle symbolized the unity of these distinct groups in their shared struggle for liberation and equality.

Historical Context of the Symbol

Although Marx and Engels themselves did not create or use the hammer and sickle as a symbol, their ideas inspired later revolutionary movements that adopted it. The symbol gained prominence with the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia (1917), when the Bolsheviks sought to unite industrial workers and peasants under the banner of communism. The hammer and sickle were officially adopted as part of the Soviet Union’s flag in 1923.

Significance to the Communist Movement

The hammer and sickle became a powerful visual representation of several core ideas in Marxist-inspired movements:

  • Worker Solidarity: It emphasized unity among all exploited classes to overthrow the capitalist system.
  • Class Struggle: It depicted the tools of labor, highlighting the centrality of workers and their productive power in shaping society.
  • Revolutionary Change: It called workers and peasants to action—to seize the means of production and build a socialist society.

Criticism and Evolution

In practice, the unity symbolized by the hammer and sickle was not always realized. Tensions between urban industrial workers and rural agricultural communities persisted in the Soviet Union and other communist nations. Moreover, the symbol became associated with authoritarian regimes, giving it a controversial legacy in modern times.

Still, the hammer and sickle remain potent emblems of worker solidarity and the Marxist vision of a classless society—despite how much interpretations of communism have evolved over time.

The American Context: Weaponized Ignorance

This, however, is where things get more complicated—and more infuriating.

In the American political lexicon, socialism has become a slur hurled without understanding, a catch-all bogeyman meant to stoke fear, not provoke thought. The hammer and sickle, meanwhile, has been reduced in the public imagination to little more than a sinister relic—stripped of context, stripped of nuance, and weaponized in the culture war by people whose understanding of history could fit neatly on the back of a fast-food receipt.

The fact is, most Americans have never seriously studied Marx or Engels—let alone Lenin or Mao—and wouldn’t recognize dialectical materialism if it organized their kitchen pantry and handed them a checklist. We are a people sold the myth that capitalism is not just the best economic system, but the only one consistent with freedom, democracy, and morality. Anything that questions this orthodoxy is treated as heresy, regardless of its intellectual rigor or empirical grounding.

Dialectical Materialism: Not a Manifesto, But a Method

Let’s be clear: dialectical materialism is not a manifesto—it is a method. A way of understanding the world not as a series of isolated events, but as a dynamic, interconnected whole; a recognition that history moves through contradiction, and that the driving force behind historical change is the conflict between classes, between ideas, between material conditions themselves. It is not “communism” as caricatured by reactionaries—it is a framework for grasping the engines of change that shape human societies.

The Real Threat to the Status Quo

And therein lies the real threat to the American status quo: not the hammer and sickle itself, but the idea that working people—whether factory machinists, field hands, or Uber drivers—might recognize their common interests. That they might see through the illusion that their suffering is individual, rather than systemic. That they might stop blaming immigrants, or the unemployed, or “welfare cheats,” and instead aim their righteous anger at the extractive systems that keep them exhausted, precarious, and obedient.

The Struggle Continues

We are long past the time for empty patriotism and red-scare hysteria. We need deep, structural critique rooted in historical knowledge and philosophical clarity. Not to idolize past revolutions, but to learn from them—critically, courageously, dialectically.

The hammer and sickle endures not because it’s fashionable, and certainly not because it’s flawless, but because the struggle it symbolizes has never truly ended. The tools have changed. The fields have changed. But the workers are still here. And the fight—for dignity, for justice, for liberation—remains.


The Trump Vacuum and the Opportunity of Idealized Design


There’s a strange sort of energy in the air these days. You can almost feel it—the wheels coming off the rickety jalopy that is Trumpism. The man himself, once a master of chaos and distraction, is looking more and more like a washed-up carnival barker whose tricks have lost their shine. The legal walls are closing in, the rallies are less electric, and the “movement” has become less about a future and more about clinging to a bitter, grievance-soaked past.

But let’s not kid ourselves: while Trump has been busy turning the federal government into a shell of its former self—gutting agencies, stacking departments with yes-men, and driving out career professionals—he’s also unwittingly created a rare opportunity. Nature, as they say, abhors a vacuum. And what we’ve got, right now, is a vacuum the size of Pennsylvania Avenue.

If you’ve ever read Dr. Russell Ackoff—and if you haven’t, now would be a good time—he talks about something called “idealized design.” The gist? When the system you’ve got is broken, don’t just patch the leaks and slap on another coat of paint. Instead, ask yourself: If the current system disappeared overnight, what would you create to take its place? Not what’s possible within the old constraints, but what’s ideal given what we now know.

Well, look around. Thanks to the Trump wrecking ball, a lot of the old constraints are gone—obliterated, really. Agencies like the EPA, Education, even the Post Office, have been hollowed out to the point of absurdity. The courts are in crisis, the CDC is a shell, and the State Department looks like a ghost town. There’s nothing left to “fix.” So, what if we stopped trying to resuscitate the corpse and started imagining a new body politic altogether?

Here’s the opportunity: We get to ask, “What do we want government to look like, now?” Ackoff would tell us to ignore the nostalgic call for a return to the “good old days.” Instead, let’s design forward. A government that’s transparent, accountable, and explicitly built to serve all its people, not just the one percent or the loudest megaphones. What would a Department of Justice look like if it truly prioritized justice? What about immigration—not as a problem to be “solved,” but as a vibrant source of national renewal?

The Trump era, for all its destruction, has left us with a blank page. The lesson is not to cower in fear or yearn for the status quo ante. It’s to seize the moment, roll up our sleeves, and start sketching out the kind of institutions we wish we’d always had. It’s the ultimate act of resistance: refusing to settle for less than the ideal, and demanding a government worthy of the people it serves.

Let’s not waste the vacuum. Let’s fill it—creatively, bravely, and with the best of what we can imagine.


Deming and Rocketdyne

Sometime in late January of 1987, almost one year to the day after the Space Shuttle Orbiter Challenger was destroyed as it ascended to orbit, I was assigned by the temp agency I was using at the time to begin work on the Space Shuttle Main Engine team at Rockwell International’s Rocketdyne Division in Woodland Hills, CA.

Prior to that fateful date I had, with one exception, never worked at a company with more than a dozen employees. My family’s wholesale food business, at its peak, was only my father, brother, me, and one employee and most of the numerous jobs I had held over the previous 20 years or so were similarly small.

Rocketdyne employed several thousand people, most of whom labored at our campuses in Woodland Hills and Canoga Park, CA. It was a division of Rockwell International, which employed over 100,000 people world-wide. It was a jarring transition to go from small (really small) businesses to a multi-national aerospace conglomerate. However, having been somewhat of a space-cadet, i.e. enthusiast most of my life, I was thrilled with the opportunity.

A year later on 1 February 1988, I was hired to work in Engineering Computing on the Flight Ops team – a position I would not have dared to dream of filling. Nevertheless, there I was helping our nation’s space program get back on track. It was truly a dream come true.

At the same time, I was becoming aware of the unique way in which large organizations conduct themselves. Some of it wasn’t pretty. I first encountered the business philosophy of W. Edwards Deming soon after I was officially hired as I was lucky enough to have a colleague who was a student of his. Deming had written a book (he wrote many) in which he laid out a fourteen-point explication of his concept of TQM (Total Quality Management).

I was enamored of his positions, as they coincided with my growing understanding how things worked in virtually any organization. I had long been someone who looked for and found ways in which to improve the processes and procedures of any organization I was involved with, and Deming’s philosophy made a great deal of sense to me.

At the same time, I was becoming increasingly aware of the reality that many companies, including Rocketdyne, were honoring those principles in their breach, not their adherence to them. As I was studying Deming’s 14 points I began to realize just how thoroughly many of the managers I encountered were oblivious to the virtues Deming laid out.

Somewhere around 1990 I decided to see if I could capture the differences between what Deming offered and how Rocketdyne was actually doing things. I captured Deming’s 14 points and then created Rocketdyne’s 14 counterpoints. I’ve kept them over the years and am here sharing my understanding with two screenshots of those differing points of view. Please keep in mind not all managers were as controlling as the worst of them. I was lucky to work under the supervision of several truly wonderful managers in my nearly quarter century of employment there. Regardless, I think my analysis was reasonable, even after over 34 years. You?


Test Driving Google’s AI, Bard

In early 2009 I was privileged to spend a weekend with Dr. Russell Ackoff thanks to a friend and former colleague. I recall one incident where, while we were at Russ’s home, I mentioned my belief there was a similarity between the philosophy of dialectical materialism and the concept of systems thinking. As I recall, he was pretty upset with me for saying this. It’s stuck with me over the years.

Thanks to another friend on Facebook, I now have access to a set of AI tools, one of which is Google’s Bard. The other day, in an effort to test drive it, I proposed the following task and received the following reply:

Me:

Compare the philosophy of dialectical materialism as expressed by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels to the concept of systems thinking as expressed by Russell Ackoff and others.

Bard:

Dialectical materialism

• Dialectical materialism is a materialist philosophy that emphasizes the role of conflict and change in history.

• It is based on the idea that the world is constantly changing and evolving, and that this change is driven by the conflict between opposing forces.

• These opposing forces can be social, economic, or political, and they can be found at all levels of society, from the individual to the global.

• Dialectical materialism is a dynamic and evolving philosophy that has been used to explain a wide range of historical events, from the French Revolution to the fall of the Soviet Union.

Systems thinking

• Systems thinking is a holistic approach to understanding the world that views it as a complex system of interacting parts.

• It is based on the idea that the whole is greater than the sum of its parts, and that it is impossible to understand any part of a system without understanding the system as a whole.

• Systems thinking has been used to understand a wide range of problems, from environmental degradation to economic inequality.

Comparison

• Both dialectical materialism and systems thinking are complex and sophisticated philosophies that have been used to understand the world in different ways.

• Dialectical materialism is more focused on the role of conflict and change in history, while systems thinking is more focused on the holistic nature of the world.

• Both philosophies have their strengths and weaknesses, and they can be used to complement each other.

For example:

• Dialectical materialism can be used to explain how conflict between social classes leads to social change, while systems thinking can be used to understand how the different parts of a society interact with each other.

• By combining these two approaches, we can gain a more complete understanding of the world and how it works.

Not quite as in-depth as I would have liked, but it does kind of jive with my understanding of the overlap of the two outlooks.


Conservatism Will Lose

“Know thy enemy and know yourself; in a hundred battles, you will never be defeated. When you are ignorant of the enemy but know yourself, your chances of winning or losing are equal. If ignorant both of your enemy and of yourself, you are sure to be defeated in every battle.”

~ Sun Tsu

For me, this quote explains why conservatives are eventually going to lose the “culture wars”. They consistently insist on ascribing thoughts and values to liberal and progressives that are figments of their overactive imaginations when, in fact, they are more often than not projecting. They don’t know their “enemy”, nor do they know themselves.

This isn’t to say they won’t cause a lot of damage, destruction, and even death as they attempt to control the narrative and impose their values on everyone. But I do believe their “causes” will never prevail in the long run, in large part because they’re clueless about not only our motivations, but even their own.


Capitalism vs. Humanism

I’m beginning to think nobody (at least not progressives) should use the word “socialism” any longer. We should replace it with the word “humanism.” This way it’s easier to point to the most important distinction between the two. Capitalism is concerned with capital, i.e. profit/money/wealth/things. Humanism is concerned with humans. Capitalism exalts things over everything else unless there’s a huge regulatory environment seeking to ensure capitalists don’t overreach. Humanism exalts humans over things, and seeks to ensure everyone has the basic things (shelter, food, clothing, healthcare, education) to become a fully realized, contributing member of society.

I know humanism is used differently, but socialism has been saddled with this connotation of authoritarianism, and too many people don’t see the difference between economic systems and systems of governance. Using the word humanism puts emphasis on who we want to benefit from our economic activity … the pipples.

Fight me!


Dialectical Zenosity

The Interpenetration of Opposites

My philosophy of life has been informed by two people, both of whom I was first introduced to (not personally, but via their writings) in my early twenties. They helped me understand the meaning of the dialectic of life; the yin yang of our corporeal (and intellectual) existence.

The former brought me an understanding of spirituality that did not require the existence of a supreme “being,” while the latter helped me to see how our thinking is shaped by the material world we live in, and how our thinking can then help us act to change that world for the better.

The former brought me “The Wisdom of Insecurity” and taught me to accept the tenuousness of existence and the need to slow down and enjoy life absent regret for the past or anxiety for the future (not that I am proficient at it always,) while the latter gave me a much clearer understanding of both biological evolution and the evolution of human society.

These two people are: Alan Watts, who many considered the western world’s foremost authority on Zen, a philosophy I believe reflects our place in the universe; and Karl Marx who, along with Friedrich Engels, developed and promulgated the philosophy of dialectical materialism, which I believe accurately reflects how the physical world informs our existence and how our ability to understand that physical world gives us the ability to significantly alter it.

It’s been over fifty years since I first encountered these two aspects of what I consider to be a somewhat “unified” theory of existence. Nothing in the interim has dissuaded me from following their teachings. I find the physical universe to be infinitely more beautiful and mystical than any of the Gods humans have worshiped over millennia.


Golf and Cognitive Dissonance | Systems Savvy

I wasn’t sure if I could “re-blog” one of my own blogs using WordPress’s “Press This” widget, so I thought I’d give it a try. I’ve also updated this post somewhat. I added the flier depicted below, which I found in a box I’ve been holding onto for entirely too damned long, and made some minor text fixes.

One more thing. The situation I wrote about in the original post I’m re-blogging (six years ago yesterday, btw) has likely gotten worse. At best, nothing much has changed.

Seeing what appears to be the recent appearance of members of the Military tending the flag at virtually every golf tournament, I find myself wondering what it says about the direction of our cultu…

Source: Golf and Cognitive Dissonance | Systems Savvy


The Fifth Beatle

I’ve been getting more and more comfortable with Photoshop’s many editing tools, chief among them layers, cloning, blending, and various level adjustments.

I find politics, especially the clowns in the Trump administration, wonderful subjects for my efforts. For instance, recently the Attorney General, William Barr, responded to a question about whether or not he was worried about his legacy with the following:

“I am at the end of my career. Everyone dies and I am not, you know, I don’t believe in the Homeric idea that you know, immortality comes by, you know, having odes sung about you over the centuries, you know?”

Aside from his use of the filler “you know” four times in one sentence, I was stuck with the thought, “is he being stoic or nihilistic?” I’m still not sure, but the statement reminded me of a song by George Harrison. I found a pic of the album cover, researched then downloaded the proper font, and tweaked the cover like so:

I think he looks appropriately unconcerned, don’t you?


A Subtle Dig From Kurt Vonnegut

Vonnegut quote

Damn Right!

Thanks to a post I made on Facebook yesterday, I came across this wonderful excerpt from a story by Kurt Vonnegut, “God Bless You, Dr. Kevorkian”. I’m thinking it might fit nicely somewhere in my book. Many thanks to my Facebook friend Sam Garrett for pointing me to it.

“This morning, thanks to a controlled near-death experience, I was lucky enough to meet, at the far end of the blue tunnel, a man named Salvatore Biagini. Last July 8th, Mr. Biagini, a retired construction worker, age seventy, suffered a fatal heart attack while rescuing his beloved schnauzer, Teddy, from an assault by an unrestrained pit bull named Chele, in Queens.

“The pit bull, with no previous record of violence against man or beast, jumped a four-foot fence in order to have at Teddy. Mr. Biagini, an unarmed man with a history of heart trouble, grabbed him, allowing the schnauzer to run away. So the pit bull bit Mr. Biagini in several places and then Mr. Biagini’s heart quit beating, never to beat again.

“I asked this heroic pet lover how it felt to have died for a schnauzer named Teddy. Salvador Biagini was philosophical. He said it sure as heck beat dying for absolutely nothing in the Viet Nam War.”

You can substitute Iraq for Vietnam and it works just as well, eh?