Tag Archives: History

US Navy Armed Guard

I have long known my father served in the U.S. Navy during WWII. He told me of his time as a Radioman 3rd class aboard the USS William H. Webb when it made the Murmansk Run to bring supplies to the Soviets. In fact, I have previously shared a photo of the certificate he was awarded when they crossed the Arctic Circle on that run. I only recently discovered he was part of a specialized detachment called the Armed Guard, something he never mentioned. A few days ago I asked Perplexity the following question. The response follows.

“What can you tell me about the U.S. Navy Armed Guard, especially wrt their service during WWII and on the Murmansk Runs?”

===============

The U.S. Navy Armed Guard was a specialized military detachment created during World War II to protect U.S. and Allied merchant ships from enemy threats, including submarines, aircraft, and surface warships. Composed mostly of gunners, signalmen, radio operators, and other support rates, these Navy personnel were assigned to civilian merchant vessels that otherwise lacked sufficient defenses—a response to the inability to provide enough dedicated naval escorts for all convoys.

WWII Service Overview

The Armed Guard served worldwide, especially where Allied shipping faced grave danger, such as the North Atlantic and Mediterranean. Gun crews ranged in size and were often led by junior officers, sometimes even senior petty officers when commissioned officers weren’t available. In total, over 6,200 ships were armed with such Navy detachments by the end of the war. Their hazardous role involved operating defensive armaments, standing watches, and sometimes training the civilian crews on weapons use.

The Murmansk Runs

On the notorious Murmansk Run, which entailed providing vital Lend-Lease aid by convoy to the Soviet Union, the U.S. Navy Armed Guard experienced some of the war’s most extreme and hazardous conditions. Sailors on these convoys braved long, perilous voyages through icy northern waters where they faced continuous threats from German U-boats, aircraft, and surface raiders, in addition to severe weather and extended periods of daylight or darkness.

​The North Russia convoys—termed “Murmansk Runs”—were known for their high loss rates early in the war, with Armed Guard crews playing a crucial role in improving the defenses of these voyages. The Navy prioritized these routes by placing highly experienced gun crews and as much weaponry as could be spared aboard. As a result of their growing expertise and the improved ship defenses, losses were significantly reduced as the war went on—only 10 ships were lost out of more than 200 after the Allies refined their tactics and armament for these runs.

Role and Legacy

Service in the Armed Guard was considered both perilous and often overlooked—the “stepchildren” of the Navy, as many later described them, shouldering the defense of unheralded merchant convoys critical to Allied supply lines. Their contributions, especially on dangerous missions like the Murmansk Run, were essential to both Allied success and the survival of merchant mariners throughout WWII.


My Brief Naval Career

Fun fact about me. I was born with congenital talipes equinovarus, or club feet. I had my first cast put on my left foot (the worst one) when I was two days old. Since infants are growing at a somewhat accelerated pace, they generally have to put the casts on reasonably loose and they need to be changed frequently.

My First Cast

At some point in my early infancy I managed to kick this one off. My parents saved it and I still have it, I think in the garage. I believe the one inscription you can read from this photo says, “Don’t let this stop you, Ricky. Keep kicking,” from a couple who have disappeared into the mists of time.

I ultimately had surgery on my left foot—my right foot straightened out with casts and corrective shoes—when I was five. When I enlisted in the US Navy in the Spring of 1966, it was the scars from the surgery that caused me to fail my physical. However, I argued that marching was something they did in the Army, not the Navy, and I was inducted.

Later, I found out marching was actually a very large part of Naval boot camp (it’s one way they build unit cohesiveness) and there also was a position our company commander would put us in called five and dive that put a great deal of strain on my ankle and shortened Achilles tendon.

When I went to sick bay to see if they could help me deal with the pain I was enduring, an x-ray discovered arthritis. I was offered a discharge, which I originally refused. However, the pain made it extremely difficult to keep up with my company and, to a man, my fellow recruits and several officers convinced me to take the discharge.

Two days later I accepted the offer and within a week I was on my way home. My DD214 says I was in the Navy for 1 month and 23 days and that I was awarded the National Defense Service Medal. Although I believe I could have made a ruckus and gotten at least some veteran’s benefits, I chose not to, believing there were others who needed it far more than I did. Because I was in for so short a period of time, I hardly refer to myself a veteran. I’ve never regretted my decision, though my foot has hindered me my entire life.


The Quiet Face of Tyranny: How Emil Bove Threatens the Rule of Law

There are monsters among us. They don’t crawl from caves or erupt in public tantrums. No, the most dangerous among them walk calmly through courtrooms and government buildings, armed not with violence but with credentials and legalese. Emil Bove is one such figure—a reminder that authoritarianism often arrives not with a bang, but with a briefcase.

Bove, a former federal prosecutor and now a prominent defender of Donald Trump, argued before the Supreme Court in Trump v. United States that a president could order the assassination of a political rival and be immune from prosecution unless Congress had first impeached and convicted him. Let that sink in. According to Bove, unless Congress acts, a president could unleash the machinery of the state to eliminate his enemies, and the courts would be powerless to intervene.

It is hard to imagine a more grotesque betrayal of the American principle that no one is above the law. Yet Bove didn’t stop there.

In a separate legal context, Bove shockingly instructed that individuals could ignore a federal court order—specifically, a ruling that prohibited the government from rendering hundreds of asylum-seeking men to a prison camp in El Salvador. These were men fleeing violence and persecution, invoking the protections of due process guaranteed under U.S. and international law. But Bove’s message was clear: the courts can be disregarded when inconvenient.

This isn’t legal strategy. This is lawlessness dressed in Armani.

Imagine the consequences if this logic took hold. The courts—our last institutional line of defense against executive overreach—would become ornamental. Their rulings optional. The law itself would be subject to political whim and brute force. And the vulnerable, the voiceless, the targets of state-sanctioned abuse? They would have no recourse. No rights. No hope.

Bove’s contempt for the rule of law reveals the true danger: a legal elite willing to hollow out democracy from the inside, all while claiming to defend it. This is not merely a technical debate among lawyers. This is about whether the United States will remain a constitutional republic, or whether we will slip—quietly, insidiously—into autocracy under the guise of “executive immunity” and “national security.”

In any other era, a lawyer who advised ignoring a court order would be disciplined, sanctioned, maybe disbarred. But in the post-Trump era, such defiance is applauded in certain circles. Bove’s arguments aren’t fringe anymore—they are being mainstreamed in front of the highest court in the land. And the justices, disturbingly, entertained them with far less outrage than the moment demands.

History shows us where this road leads. In Nazi Germany, apartheid South Africa, Jim Crow America—the law was contorted to protect the powerful and persecute the powerless. It always begins with legal justifications for unconscionable acts. Always. Men like Emil Bove provide those justifications. They sanitize the machinery of repression. They make it sound reasonable, even principled.

And they count on us not to notice.

But we must notice. We must resist the temptation to normalize the radical, to accept the obscene as simply another legal argument. We must remember that beneath the surface of constitutional language, Bove is advocating for tyranny: a presidency unbound by law, and a government that ignores the judiciary when it suits its purposes.

There is a reason why we revere the principle of “Equal Justice Under Law.” It is the safeguard of civilization. Without it, we are left with power unchecked, and cruelty unchallenged.

To look at Bove is to see not a villain in the Hollywood sense, but something far more dangerous—a man who knows exactly how the system works and is willing to dismantle it piece by piece. Calmly. Methodically. Legally.

That is why we must be ever-vigilant.

Because when monsters wear suits, when they speak in measured tones and cite precedent as they strip away our liberties, the danger is greater—not lesser. They know how to mask authoritarianism as patriotism, cruelty as strength, and impunity as “executive authority.”

We cannot be passive. We must name the danger. Confront it. Reject it in the courts, in the media, in the halls of Congress, and in the court of public opinion. Emil Bove may be just one man, but he represents a movement of cold, calculated disregard for democratic norms.

It is up to us to remember: when a lawyer tells you the president can murder without consequence, or that you may ignore the courts, they are not defending the Constitution. They are laying dynamite at its foundation.

And if we don’t stop them, history will not be kind to those who looked away.


Americans are Ignorami

Reclaiming the Hammer and Sickle: Symbolism, Struggle, and Systemic Illiteracy

In large part because of my activities in the antiwar and peace and justice movements shortly after I celebrated my 20th birthday, I began reading Marx, Engels, Lenin, Mao, Castro, and Guevara, as well as Black authors and activists like Eldridge Cleaver, Malcolm X, and George Jackson, among others. I was especially fond of reading Lenin’s explanations and defense of the theories of Karl Marx and, to a lesser extent, Friedrich Engels. My interest wasn’t only in their political and economic theories, but also in their general philosophy, which is Dialectical Materialism. I’ve touched on this philosophy somewhat tangentially in some of my previous writings.

I’ve long been both dismayed and somewhat fascinated by the sheer ignorance of my fellow Americans when it comes to understanding what some very important terms and concepts actually represent. I am here referring to socialism, communism, capitalism, and dialectical materialism—perhaps a few other economic, political, and philosophical terms as well.

The hammer and sickle is one of the most enduring symbols of communism and socialist movements, representing the unity and solidarity of industrial workers (symbolized by the hammer) and agricultural laborers (symbolized by the sickle). While it gained prominence in the 20th century as an emblem of the Soviet Union, its roots and symbolism tie back to the broader communist ideas as envisioned by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.

Theoretical Foundation: Marx and Engels

Marx and Engels, in works like The Communist Manifesto (1848), envisioned a society where the working class (proletariat) would overthrow the capitalist class (bourgeoisie) to establish a classless, stateless society. Central to this vision was the unification of all laborers—regardless of their specific trades or industries—against the exploitative structures of capitalism. The hammer and sickle perfectly encapsulate this ideal by bringing together two key groups of workers who were often divided in pre-industrial and industrial societies:

  • Industrial Workers (Hammer): Factory workers, craftsmen, and laborers—urban dwellers essential to the mechanized production processes of capitalist economies.
  • Agricultural Workers (Sickle): Peasants and farmers who toiled in rural areas, producing food and raw materials. Often marginalized and exploited under feudal and capitalist systems.

By combining these two tools, the hammer and sickle symbolized the unity of these distinct groups in their shared struggle for liberation and equality.

Historical Context of the Symbol

Although Marx and Engels themselves did not create or use the hammer and sickle as a symbol, their ideas inspired later revolutionary movements that adopted it. The symbol gained prominence with the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia (1917), when the Bolsheviks sought to unite industrial workers and peasants under the banner of communism. The hammer and sickle were officially adopted as part of the Soviet Union’s flag in 1923.

Significance to the Communist Movement

The hammer and sickle became a powerful visual representation of several core ideas in Marxist-inspired movements:

  • Worker Solidarity: It emphasized unity among all exploited classes to overthrow the capitalist system.
  • Class Struggle: It depicted the tools of labor, highlighting the centrality of workers and their productive power in shaping society.
  • Revolutionary Change: It called workers and peasants to action—to seize the means of production and build a socialist society.

Criticism and Evolution

In practice, the unity symbolized by the hammer and sickle was not always realized. Tensions between urban industrial workers and rural agricultural communities persisted in the Soviet Union and other communist nations. Moreover, the symbol became associated with authoritarian regimes, giving it a controversial legacy in modern times.

Still, the hammer and sickle remain potent emblems of worker solidarity and the Marxist vision of a classless society—despite how much interpretations of communism have evolved over time.

The American Context: Weaponized Ignorance

This, however, is where things get more complicated—and more infuriating.

In the American political lexicon, socialism has become a slur hurled without understanding, a catch-all bogeyman meant to stoke fear, not provoke thought. The hammer and sickle, meanwhile, has been reduced in the public imagination to little more than a sinister relic—stripped of context, stripped of nuance, and weaponized in the culture war by people whose understanding of history could fit neatly on the back of a fast-food receipt.

The fact is, most Americans have never seriously studied Marx or Engels—let alone Lenin or Mao—and wouldn’t recognize dialectical materialism if it organized their kitchen pantry and handed them a checklist. We are a people sold the myth that capitalism is not just the best economic system, but the only one consistent with freedom, democracy, and morality. Anything that questions this orthodoxy is treated as heresy, regardless of its intellectual rigor or empirical grounding.

Dialectical Materialism: Not a Manifesto, But a Method

Let’s be clear: dialectical materialism is not a manifesto—it is a method. A way of understanding the world not as a series of isolated events, but as a dynamic, interconnected whole; a recognition that history moves through contradiction, and that the driving force behind historical change is the conflict between classes, between ideas, between material conditions themselves. It is not “communism” as caricatured by reactionaries—it is a framework for grasping the engines of change that shape human societies.

The Real Threat to the Status Quo

And therein lies the real threat to the American status quo: not the hammer and sickle itself, but the idea that working people—whether factory machinists, field hands, or Uber drivers—might recognize their common interests. That they might see through the illusion that their suffering is individual, rather than systemic. That they might stop blaming immigrants, or the unemployed, or “welfare cheats,” and instead aim their righteous anger at the extractive systems that keep them exhausted, precarious, and obedient.

The Struggle Continues

We are long past the time for empty patriotism and red-scare hysteria. We need deep, structural critique rooted in historical knowledge and philosophical clarity. Not to idolize past revolutions, but to learn from them—critically, courageously, dialectically.

The hammer and sickle endures not because it’s fashionable, and certainly not because it’s flawless, but because the struggle it symbolizes has never truly ended. The tools have changed. The fields have changed. But the workers are still here. And the fight—for dignity, for justice, for liberation—remains.


The Trump Vacuum and the Opportunity of Idealized Design


There’s a strange sort of energy in the air these days. You can almost feel it—the wheels coming off the rickety jalopy that is Trumpism. The man himself, once a master of chaos and distraction, is looking more and more like a washed-up carnival barker whose tricks have lost their shine. The legal walls are closing in, the rallies are less electric, and the “movement” has become less about a future and more about clinging to a bitter, grievance-soaked past.

But let’s not kid ourselves: while Trump has been busy turning the federal government into a shell of its former self—gutting agencies, stacking departments with yes-men, and driving out career professionals—he’s also unwittingly created a rare opportunity. Nature, as they say, abhors a vacuum. And what we’ve got, right now, is a vacuum the size of Pennsylvania Avenue.

If you’ve ever read Dr. Russell Ackoff—and if you haven’t, now would be a good time—he talks about something called “idealized design.” The gist? When the system you’ve got is broken, don’t just patch the leaks and slap on another coat of paint. Instead, ask yourself: If the current system disappeared overnight, what would you create to take its place? Not what’s possible within the old constraints, but what’s ideal given what we now know.

Well, look around. Thanks to the Trump wrecking ball, a lot of the old constraints are gone—obliterated, really. Agencies like the EPA, Education, even the Post Office, have been hollowed out to the point of absurdity. The courts are in crisis, the CDC is a shell, and the State Department looks like a ghost town. There’s nothing left to “fix.” So, what if we stopped trying to resuscitate the corpse and started imagining a new body politic altogether?

Here’s the opportunity: We get to ask, “What do we want government to look like, now?” Ackoff would tell us to ignore the nostalgic call for a return to the “good old days.” Instead, let’s design forward. A government that’s transparent, accountable, and explicitly built to serve all its people, not just the one percent or the loudest megaphones. What would a Department of Justice look like if it truly prioritized justice? What about immigration—not as a problem to be “solved,” but as a vibrant source of national renewal?

The Trump era, for all its destruction, has left us with a blank page. The lesson is not to cower in fear or yearn for the status quo ante. It’s to seize the moment, roll up our sleeves, and start sketching out the kind of institutions we wish we’d always had. It’s the ultimate act of resistance: refusing to settle for less than the ideal, and demanding a government worthy of the people it serves.

Let’s not waste the vacuum. Let’s fill it—creatively, bravely, and with the best of what we can imagine.


The Legacy of DOGE

Recently I’ve been studying Generative AI (ChatGPT, et al), and learning how to use it effectively. This is somewhat difficult as I’m not currently employed and haven’t been for about two and a half years. As a result, I have few specific tasks to work on and discover how to implement AI, either to automate or to speed up their completion. Regardless, I’ve subscribed to Quora’s Poe, which is a compilation of bots to which I now have 10,000 points to use every day for the next year. As well, I’ve secured inexpensive access to several other services which allow me to experiment with image creation, reasoning and writing, and general search capabilities.

Today, something I read caused me to wonder what, if any, historical significance there was to the term DOGE, which is performative Nazi Elon Musk’s name for his chainsaw approach to dismantling our government. It would be remiss of me not to point out I’ve believed for virtually the entirety of my adult life (that would be 56 years if you count from age 21) that the government of the United States is in dire need of an overhaul … the economy too! However, what is happening now is NOT what I would consider either an efficient or an effective method of achieving progress.

At any rate, I asked one of the bots to which I have access (Web-search, which costs 15 points per prompt) to explain the word/concept’s history to me. Here’s what I got. BTW – I cross-checked the response with ChatGPT and received very similar responses. The answers I received from the bot are in italics, below. The simple prompts I used are included prior to the answer I received and are in red.


The word “doge” historically represents the title of an elected lord and head of state in several Italian city-states, most notably Venice and Genoa, during the medieval and Renaissance periods. Here are some key points about its historical significance:

  1. Etymology: The term “doge” is derived from the Venetian language, which in turn comes from the Latin word “dux,” meaning leader or duke. This reflects the role of the doge as a leader within the governance structure of these republics.
  2. Role and Governance: The doge was not a monarch but an elected official who governed alongside a complex system of councils. This system included the Great Council, the Council of Ten, and the Senate, which helped to balance power and prevent the abuse of authority. The doge typically ruled for life, although their power was often limited by these governing bodies.
  3. Historical Context: The first doge of Venice, Paoluccio Anafesto, was elected in 697 AD, and the position continued until the fall of the Venetian Republic in 1797 due to Napoleon’s conquests. This long duration highlights the stability and continuity of the doge’s role in Venetian governance.
  4. Cultural Impact: The doges played a crucial role in Venice’s development as a maritime power and cultural center. They were involved in significant events, such as the Fourth Crusade, and presided over periods of territorial expansion and artistic flourishing.
  5. Legacy: The doge’s palace, a symbol of Venetian power and artistry, remains a significant historical site. The title of doge has also transcended its original context, becoming part of modern internet culture through the “Doge” meme and the cryptocurrency Dogecoin, illustrating its lasting influence.

In summary, the word “doge” historically signifies a unique leadership role within the context of Venetian and Genoese governance, characterized by elected authority, cultural significance, and a legacy that continues to resonate today.



The legacy of the word “doge” extends beyond its historical significance in Venice and Genoa, influencing modern culture and language. However, it also carries some negative connotations that have emerged over time. Here’s a closer look at both aspects:

Positive Legacy

  1. Symbol of Governance: The doge represents a unique form of governance characterized by elected leadership and a system of checks and balances. This model has influenced modern democratic systems, showcasing the importance of limiting power and ensuring representation.
  2. Cultural Heritage: The doges were instrumental in Venice’s rise as a cultural and economic powerhouse during the Renaissance. Their patronage of the arts led to significant contributions in architecture, painting, and literature, which continue to be celebrated today.
  3. Modern References: The term “doge” has found new life in contemporary culture, particularly through the “Doge” meme featuring a Shiba Inu dog, which became an internet sensation. This meme has also inspired the creation of Dogecoin, a cryptocurrency that gained popularity in the digital economy.

Negative Connotations

  1. Corruption and Elitism: Over time, the doge’s role became associated with corruption and elitism. As the Venetian Republic evolved, the political system became increasingly oligarchic, with power concentrated in the hands of a few wealthy families. This shift led to a perception of the doge as a figurehead for a corrupt elite rather than a true representative of the people.
  2. Decline of Power: The eventual decline of Venice as a major power, culminating in its annexation by Napoleon, has also tainted the legacy of the doge. The fall of the Venetian Republic is often viewed as a cautionary tale about the dangers of political stagnation and the failure to adapt to changing circumstances, which can be linked back to the governance style of the doges.
  3. Modern Misinterpretations: In contemporary discussions, particularly in political contexts, the term “doge” can evoke images of ineffective leadership or bureaucratic inefficiency. This is especially relevant in satirical or critical commentary on government figures who are perceived as out of touch or overly ceremonial, drawing parallels to the historical role of the doge as a largely symbolic leader.

Conclusion

While the legacy of the doge is rich with cultural and historical significance, it is also intertwined with themes of corruption, elitism, and political decline. These negative connotations serve as reminders of the complexities of leadership and governance, both in the past and present.


I don’t know about you, but the conclusion makes perfect sense to me given what Musk and his merry band of Incelites are doing to dismantle, especially, every department and service that’s designed to help out regular Americans, who are – IMO – victims of an economic system that exploits and steals from them at every turn.


You Say You Want a Revolution

I was prepared, and preparing, for a revolution as far back as the late 60s. I was a young man, full of piss, vinegar, and righteous indignation over a war of aggression by my country; a war that had already claimed the life of my best friend. Through my antiwar activities I had become aware of many of the realities of the U.S. that had been hidden from me, especially rampant racism and sexism.

I’m aware many of my fellow citizens have a hard time realizing just how bad things have been in this country. Consider this, and I believe this is pretty much common knowledge: most of the land that comprises the U.S. was already inhabited when the Pilgrims arrived here. Much of the infrastructure of our country was built by slaves or indentured servants, virtually all of whom were kept in appalling living conditions. The fucking White House was built with slave labor. Meanwhile, white people were building generational wealth while systematically preventing POC from doing the same.

Ever hear of Angel Island, where we kept Chinese immigrants from 1910 to 1940? I’m sure you’ve heard of the Japanese detention camps used during WWII. My in-laws were detained at the one in Colorado (Amache) for two years. Many of my wife’s relatives lost everything during those years. The number of horrendous things done by white people to POC is disgusting and worthy of retribution, certainly of derision and disgust. So, why am I bringing all of this up?

Well, As I said, I was prepared decades ago for a revolution in this country. We have been in a class war as long as we’ve existed. However, I came to realize as a straight, white man it wasn’t up to me to decide when and how such an event should be prosecuted. I am somewhat privileged and don’t believe I have the moral authority to ask for the kinds of sacrifice such an endeavor would require.

I am, however, ready to support an effort to free the working class from their servitude to the upper class. I believe capitalism has served whatever purpose it once had (moving us away from feudalism and slavery) and needs to be replaced by, at the very least, a form of democratic socialism. I don’t believe billionaires should be allowed to exist. Having that much money is immoral and should be illegal, IMO. All to say, I’m down with any attempt to upgrade this nation, by any means necessary. I prefer it to be peaceful, but people with far too much money are making that impossible.

Things most likely have to get a lot worse; some of the wealth has trickled down to us and too many of us are either comfortable or convinced wealth and privilege are just around the corner. I don’t believe we can continue along the path we’re following, and it’s not just maga or trump. Capitalism rewards greed and avarice. Money is god! Socialism, OTOH, at least attempts to put people first. That’s what I’d like to see. Who’s on board?


An Historical Note

I can’t remember if I began writing and posting these diary entries on Facebook each day, or if I wrote it here on WordPress and just forgot about it. Regardless, I know I wrote these short updates of my bout with COVID-19 beginning at the very tail end of 2020. Actually, the results came in on my brother’s birthday. I was more than halfway through my 74th year on this planet and I was somewhat riddled with the dreaded comorbidities.

Since most everyone seems to have forgotten (or understandably repressed the memories of) just how difficult things were during the pandemic, I’m posting this now to memorialize my struggle with the disease.

12/24/20 at 14:37:
Out of an abundance of caution, I initiated an e-visit with Kaiser to determine if I’ve got COVID. I don’t have any of the worst symptoms, but I definitely have some of them. I’m scheduled for a test this coming Monday.

12/28/20 at 09:48:
Getting my COVID-19 test in the parking lot.

12/29/20 at 09:12:
Well … Now if someone asks if I personally know anyone who’s tested positive for COVID-19,I can answer “Yes.”

Me!

So … the illness I really didn’t want to test my immune system and my overall health on finally got me. Now I have to isolate for 10 days. I think I’ve already been through the worst over the weekend.I’m taking MucinexDM once every 12 hours, an occasional Aleve, and vitamin C. I can’t taste a damned thing and I wasn’t terribly hungry for the past four or five days; I’ve lost eight pounds in the last six days. I’m feeling good today. No fever this morning and SpO2 is staying around 95%. No congestion, hardly a cough. I know this thing can offer some surprises, so I’m monitoring myself carefully, but it looks like I won’t suffer as much as I thought I might, which is a pleasant surprise. Still, being cautious seems prudent.

12/29/20 at 20:08:
Have I mentioned I feel like shit. I have a mid-grade fever and I’m sweating under the blanket, but I get the chills if I get out. Typing this is difficult. Stomach is sour and SpO2 has dropped as low as 91%. I’m dizzy, weak, tire easily, and can’t take a deep breath without bronchial pain. Other than that, I’m feeling just peachy.

12/30/20 at 10:02:
Sitrep: As of this morning, I am feeling better. No fever, but that’s how yesterday started. SpO2 is 96. I think the low reading I got yesterday was an anomaly. I have never felt as though I was having trouble getting enough oxygen. Still taking MucinexDM every 12 hours, which seems to be working quite well as a cough suppressant and expectorant. Also taking vitamin C. Still hurts to take too deep a breath, but doesn’t cause spasmodic coughing. Kaiser and many, many people have sent me lots of instructions, many of which I will choose to ignore, because that’s the kind of asshole I am. Haven’t left the bedroom.

Bottom line. This sucks, but I don’t think it’s going to kill me. Then again, this virus has proven to be trecherous and I have waaay too many comorbidities to let my guard down. Stay safe y’all. At least try … that’s what I did.

12/31/20 at 17:31:
The battle continues. My normal temperature is 97.6. This morning it was 98.7. Since then it’s been as high as 102.5 and everywhere in-between. Currently, it’s 101.1. Linda went out and got me some vitamin D, Zinc, & NAC, all of which are said to be efficacious in combating this fucking virus. Happy God damned New Year, reprobates.

01/01/21 at 12:21:
Happy New Year everybody. Well, these last few days have been trying and difficult, to say the least. I can finally taste again; not completely but it’s getting there. I no longer have to pay as close attention to my breathing as I have for the last couple days, as my bronchial tubes are opening up and taking deep breaths is far easier than it’s been up till now.

I still have another five full days before I can even leave the bedroom really, at least without wearing a mask and worrying about what I touch. I think I see the light at the end of the tunnel, and it’s daylight, not a train coming for me. I’m very grateful.

Temperature continues to be normal. Still dizzy and weak, but a bit more aware. Onward and upward.

 01/01/21 at 15:47
Man! This virus doesn’t give up. Temp is back to 102.3° F.

01/02/21 at 10:26
OK – Health update. I can’t recall the last time I had the flu, or anything for that matter, that caused me to have a fever, so I’m not sure if what’s been happening to me is the normal progression of dealing with a virus. As noted over the past few days, I wake up feeling reasonably well, with no fever, and by mid-afternoon I’m burning up.

Last night it got up to 102.5, the highest it’s been since last weekend. I feel as though my fever broke last night. I finally had to take my t-shirt off. It was soaking wet. I put another one on and it was pretty soaked by 9pm, so I took it off as well and, for the first time since this started, I was comfortable sleeping without a t-shirt, which is how I normally sleep.I had taken two Aleve, since my fever seemed to be climbing and within about an hour it was down to 98.3, which is still nearly a degree above my normal temperature of 97.6, but a good sign.

So . . . the signs are all good, but I’ve heard too many stories of people seeming to be on the mend then, boom, they’re in the hospital being intubated. No victory lap for me yet. Eight more days of quarantine. Hopefully, by next weekend I’ll be chomping at the bit to leave the bedroom. I haven’t really cared this past week.

ADDENDUM – I should add my breathing has improved considerably. I can take pretty deep breaths without pain or the need to cough and I have no congestion at all. I almost didn’t take a MucinexDM this morning, but decided not to tempt fate.

01/02/21 at 15:58
Yesterday at almost exactly the same time, my temperature was 102.3. Just now it was 99.1. I would call that an improvement. So there.

01/03/21 at 19:12:
FYI – No news is good news.

01/04/21 at 13:14:
Update: While I believe I’m pretty much out-of-the-woods wrt the possibility of being hospitalized, recovery is clearly going to take some time. I just took a shower for the first time in a week and I almost couldn’t finish. I had to stop and rest halfway thru drying myself. This virus really takes a lot out of you. I can only imagine how much more difficult it might be for people who are really overweight. I feel so much better being clean (I was too sick to care for a week) but I’m beat from the effort.

Be careful out there, folks. There’s a far-too-large contingent of obstinate assholes whose selfishness is making it harder to avoid becoming infected.

 


It’s A Mystery!

I really enjoy Jim Wright’s rants, especially when he gets riled up. He reminds me of a famous sports writer for the Los Angeles Times, Jim Murray who, sadly, passed away nearly a quarter century ago (kinda shows you how old I am). Jim Murray had a way of making and remaking a point without the reader getting tired of the exercise. Jim Wright has that same quality in the political world, IMO. I came across this post today and shared it with my friends and anyone else who might stumble across it – my posts are all public – and I thought I would share it here as well. I also added a few thoughts of my own that sprung out of Jim’s post and some of the resulting comments, most notably those suggesting the work of protecting against fascism is hardly over because of this one election. In fact, I vividly remember the “America. Love it or leave it” crowd that attacked those of us who were protesting the war in Vietnam back in the sixties and seventies, as well as the majority of Republicans since who want to restrict our freedoms and tell us what to think, who to love, and how to relate to the universe. My comments follow this Facebook embed.

The concerning part is there’s still a disturbingly large swath of the electorate who embrace fascism and authoritarianism and likely an equally large group of people who haven’t a clue what’s actually happening and merely respond to the right-wing propaganda that permeates our culture and vote reflexively, not thoughtfully.

My time on this planet is coming to a close, even if I live to be 100, but I still care deeply about the kind of society, economy, and environment we’ll be leaving those who come after me. While I have two daughters who are 19 and 21, and whose future matters a great deal to me, I would feel this way even if I was childless.

The forces of darkness are not soon going away; they’ll most likely never go away – at least not for generations to come. Therefore, we must be eternally vigilant as well as discerning in our choice of those we allow to have the power to make decisions affecting our lives and the lives of our fellow humans. This means paying close attention to elections at every level and for every office, as they’re currently the most impactful activities that determine how we live.

I honestly believe we need a socialist revolution, but I don’t see it happening soon, nor do I see it happening in the manner others have gone down. We’re not early 20th century Russia or mid 20th century China. Neither are we similar to Cuba or any other country I can think of that had a revolution and attempted to become a communist economy.

My knowledge of Marxism, which is admittedly incomplete, tells me that Marx and Engels did not believe a country could go from an agrarian or feudal economy directly to socialism. If you’re not familiar with their theories, they believed that human economic systems evolved and there was a progression from tribalism (primitive communism) to slavery, to feudalism, to capitalism, to socialism, to communism, to anarchy (which didn’t mean crazy-ass bomb throwing, but the absence of the coercive organs of the state, i.e. the “withering away of the state.”) Neither were these transitions/evolutions necessarily smooth or linear, but they were overall inexorable.

Materialistic Dialectics also requires us to understand the situation in which we find ourselves and our society in its historical context, not as some abstract notion of how things “ought” to be, but as they truly are; a seemingly Herculean task given the complexity of today’s world.

I don’t have all the answers; I’m not even sure I have any answers. However, of this I’m reasonably certain – believing that capitalism is the zenith of human economic activity is foolish and counter productive. As well, we have a long way to go just to honor the principles on which the United States was ostensibly founded. Liberty and justice for all is still a goal; an apparently distant one at that.

Semper Vigilantes!